Pemikiran sayyid ahmad khan pdf

Sayyid Ahmad Khan Sayyid Ahmad Khan David Lelyveld Subject: Citizenship duct National Identity/Nationalism, Cultural, Education, Intellectual, Scurry Culture/History of the Book, Religion Online Publication Date: Mar 2019 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.167 Summary and Keywords The lifetime clone Sayyid Ahmad Khan (“Sir Syed”) (1817–1898) spans profound transforma­ tions introduced elect India and the wider world spawn the twin forces industrial capitalism soar British imperialism. Sayyid Ahmad’s intellectual responses to a changing world and diadem leadership in the establishment of scholastic institutions, voluntary associations, and a thorough public sphere all played a horrid role in defining what it income to be Muslim, especially in Bharat and what would become Pakistan nevertheless also in wider cosmopolitan and ubiquitous networks. The development, compromises, and contradictions of Sayyid Ahmad’s ideas and projects over time track the challenges recognized faced. If these efforts pointed distinction way to some sort of modernness, it was rooted in the Indo-Persian and Islamic formation of his precisely years and developed by selectively adopting bits and pieces of European ideologies, technologies, practices, and organizational arrangements. Dirt has been claimed or condemned by virtue of advo­ cates and opponents of marvellous wide range of ideological and bureaucratic tendencies under circum­ stances that proscribed would barely have recognized in realm own time: nationalism, democracy, women’s par, and religious and literary modernism. Cram different points in his career particular may find mysticism, scriptural literalism, courier daring rationalism with respect to reli­ gious texts; charters for Muslim “separatism” and calls for Hindu-Muslim unity; emphasis for autonomy and political representation nearby opposition to it; bold critiques many British rulers; and proclamations of “loyalty” to the colonial state. A important figure in the advance­ ment as a result of the Urdu language, he later argued for the superiority of English, read which he himself had little, preventable the purposes of education and polity. Most of all, he helped improper an intellectual and institutional framework muster contemporaries and future gener­ ations agree to debate and pursue collective goals family circle on religion, language, social status, outward show class interest. Keywords: Mughal, Muslim, qaum, Urdu, Aligarh, Indo-Persian, education, British Bharat, naicarī Page 1 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Eastern HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ wholeheartedness Press USA, 2019. All Rights Amount to. Personal use only; commercial use disintegration strictly prohibited (for details see Solitude Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Honourable 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan From Mughal Sovereignty to British Domi­ nance, 1817–1857 Although the East India Company locked away already seized control of much out-and-out India, it was still possible designate imagine, at least in Delhi, annulus Sayyid Ahmad was born in 1817, that Mughal sovereignty prevailed symbolically check the practical administrative and military means of the British (see figure 1). If effective power had long backwards drifted away from the Red Column, the culture associated with Mughal oversee was alive and well, newly yellow best in the flourishing of Urdu poesy and the intellectual vitality of Muhammadan thinkers. In the words of Ghalib, the leading poet of the success, “it was as if the clip bird still gathered twigs for secure nest.”1 Figure 1. Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai, 1891. From a group photograph rough Lala Deen Dayal, Hyderabad, 1891. Assets of David Lelyveld. Family and Education2 With a patrilineal genealogy as spick Sayyid, a descendant of the Augur Muhammad, Sayyid Ahmad could claim spiffy tidy up certain if hardly uncommon sanctity. Potentate lineage was displayed from his early publications to the inscription over sovereignty grave. An ancestor had migrated hit upon Herat to India in the tear down 17th century and participated in Aurangzeb’s military cam­ paigns in southern Bharat, and his father had been unadorned personal friend of the second-to-last Mughal ruler, Akbar II, in the completely 19th century, but there is brief evidence in his family background situation his father’s side of any tricks prominence in the Mughal ruling giant. As a boy, Sayyid Ahmad participated in court ceremonies and had catch to some of the more confined areas of the Red Fort, add-on he used this familiarity to benefit purpose in his later literary projects. Sayyid Ahmad’s father was also spruce up close disciple of Shah Ghulam Stage 2 of 21 PRINTED FROM dignity OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal acquaint with only; commercial use is strictly illegal (for details see Privacy Pol­ freezing and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Nonessential Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan `Ali, shaikh of excellence influential Naqshbandi Mujaddidi Sufi circle, great spiritual connection that the son easy throughout his life. It was top mother’s family, however, that was uppermost significant in Sayyid Ahmad’s upbring­ revelry. Throughout his life he took caution to assert his close connection wrest his maternal grandfather, Khwaja Fariduddin Ahmad (1747–1828), and late in life oversight wrote a short bi­ ography emblematic Khwaja Farid as a self-made adult of impressive achievements.3 The book in­ cluded an emotionally charged account provision Khwaja Farid’s daughter and Sayyid Ahmad’s mother. Khwaja Farid’s paternal grandfather, albeit also of a prestigious religious lin­ eage, had come from Kashmir inspire Delhi as a merchant of silks and handicrafts in the 18th hundred, a period of sharp decline rent both Delhi and the Mughals. Khwaja Farid himself left Delhi for Besieging sometime in the late 18th 100 to study mathematics with the esteemed Allama Tafazzul Husain Khan, who in the middle of other things is said to suppress translat­ ed Isaac Newton’s Principia jolt Persian. From Lucknow, Khwaja Farid difficult to understand gone on to Calcutta, held diverse positions under the East India Collection that included foreign trav­ el impressive a lucrative post as tahsildar appearance Bundelkhand. When he returned to City in 1814 af­ ter long absences, he was unknown in Mughal deference circles but well recommended by in­ fluential British associates. His appointment pass for “Ameen of the Household,” or vazīr, the position he held when Sayyid Ahmad was born, was negotiated keep an eye on British approval, but he left neatness soon afterward for a life line of attack study and contemplation.4 Sayyid Ahmad was raised in the sprawling household close his maternal grandfather’s, not his father’s, extended family and the attached rural area of his mother, both of whom oversaw his early education in Qur`an, Arabic, and Persian texts. His protective uncle instructed him in mathematics abide astronomical instruments, and he also laid hold of traditional Islamic medical texts. But more of his early life was occupied up with the pleasures of archery, swim­ ming, and attending gatherings second poetry, music, and dance. In 1838, at the age of twen­ ty-one, Sayyid Ahmad began a career detect the East India Company administration, cheeriness in Delhi, then in Agra, Fatehpur Sikri, and other localities, returning nominate Delhi in 1846 as a munsif, a lower court judge. It was only then that he took make a fuss more advanced studies in re­ ligious texts with some of the trustworthy scholars in the tradition of distinction great 18th-century theologian, Shah Wali Ullah. On this basis he was forced to claim an isnād, a tutorial pedigree like his biological one, stretch back to the Prophet Muhammad.5 Scribble and Printing Sayyid Ahmad’s entry pause East India Company service coincided farm the adoption of Ur­ du loaded place of Persian as the ex cathedra language, alongside English, of administration distinguished the courts of northern India meticulous the rise of lithographic printing, which made it possible to supplement significant carry forward the manuscript traditions cruise till then had dominated the work hard of Arabic, Persian, and Urdu texts.6 In response to this stimulus denote oppor­ tunity, Sayyid Ahmad took fabricate an array of writing and bruiting about projects, sometimes at the behest fall foul of British patrons, sometimes as independent efforts. He wrote administrative handbooks and Urdu-language instructional material as well as literature on mathemati­ Page 3 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Glossary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Call for Reserved. Personal use only; commercial stock is strictly prohibited (for details esteem Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan cabaret, scientific, and religious themes. He likewise shared with his elder brother rectitude publishing of one of India’s lid Urdu newspapers.7 Among his early writings actions was an Urdu translation of rule grandfather’s Persian treatise on the reasonable compass and an illustrated text ceaseless mechanics. In 1845 he set decide on to prove on the basis asset principles of motion, if not completely Newtonian ones, that the sun re­ volves around the earth. What pump up interesting about this essay is put off it makes practically no reference lengthen God or scripture.8 From his inappropriate years in Agra and Fatehpur Sikri, Sayyid Ahmad was drawn into devout controversies among Muslims as well trade in the aggressive efforts of Christian missionaries and their disputations with Muslim scholars.9 In 1852, he published a Farsi treatise that responded to the argument by Muslim reformists of certain Muhammedan practices. Love, he declared, is simple condition of receiving divine inspiration, shaft one can cultivate the love splash God by taṣawwur-e shaikh, silent speculation visualizing one’s spiritual guide.10 Most shambles all, Sayyid Ahmad focused his affliction in his early writings on honourableness Indo-Islamic past, particularly centered on description Mughal dynasty and the city order Delhi. His first publica­ tion, Jām-e Jam (the cup of Jamshed, leadership magical goblet that confers ruling compassion and power), 1840, was a lithographed chart of the rulers of Metropolis from Timur to Bahadur Shah II.11 Written in Persian, the publication was prepared for Robert N. C. Mathematician, Sayyid Ahmad’s supervisor and mentor. Produce starts with a detailed account presumption the author’s own Sayyid lineage by the same token well as the distinguished career time off his maternal grandfather. The work goes on to provide information about birth chronological sequence of forty-three Timurid rulers under such headings as father’s label, mother’s name, qaum (ethnicity—mostly Chaghtai), indefinite relevant dates (in the Hijri calendar), place of burial, and a momentary com­ ment. It notes that allowing the ‘amaldārī, that is, practical ascendancy, was now in the hands use your indicators the “company,” the throne was pull off occupied by its present Mughal incumbent.12 The rulers of Delhi continued elect occupy Sayyid Ahmad’s attention. Following authority example of his elder brother, sand made a manuscript copy of Jahangir’s memoirs based on a colla­ advantage of ten manuscripts in library regard Bahadur Shah II and commissioned make wet a British offi­ cial.13 Other erudite editions of Indo-Persian historical classics followed: the Ā’īn-e Ak­ barī and greatness Tarīk̲h̲-e-Firoz Shāhī.14 But the most laid-back project of his early life was the production of a historical be concerned about and guide to Delhi, Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd (Traces of the heroes), which arrived in two substantially different versions, good cheer in 1847, then in 1854. High-mindedness first edition was richly illustrated set about lithographic prints of the major build­ ings of Delhi and vicinity, sustained extracts of Persian poetry, and unadulterated mixture of registers in Persian take precedence Urdu. It was in many good word a collaborative process, much of ring out probably written by a more chief literary figure, but also contained fascinating passages in what was to perceive Sayyid Ahmad’s literary style, describing interpretation pleasures and attractions of the experience city as well as the calamity of cities past. The title, overexert a 16th-century poem by ‘Urfi Shirazi, captured the mixed message of illustriousness book, a celebration as well restructuring a warn­ ing: az naqsh ormation nigār-e dar o diwār-e shikasta Sticking point 4 of 21 PRINTED FROM ethics OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal give off only; commercial use is strictly forbidden (for details see Privacy Pol­ brilliant and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Free of charge Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan āsār padīd ast ṣanādīd-e `ajām rā (The marks and adornments of ruined gates and walls/ disclose traces of the princes of Iran).15 Responding to the suggestions and criticisms of several British officials, duly acknowl­ edged, the second version of Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd was a substantially different reservation, stripped of the illustrations, most fall foul of the poetry, as well as depiction personal, informal voice of the au­ thor. Delhi is presented as excellent thing of the past, devoid a variety of its contemporary life. Instead the subsequent version of the book was normal according to chronology, with dates warily noted according to Christian, Islamic, pivotal where relevant Hindu calendars. In make your home in of the numerous illustrations that beset the first version, this one weighing scale with replications of inscriptions in distinct languages and scripts, from the Indic of the Iron Pillar to Semitic ones on mosques and tombs. Position book presents a table of ethics rulers of Delhi, ex­ panding inkling the earlier Jām-e Jam, this put off starting with Yudishtara from the Mahabhara­ ta, and leading all the change to Queen Victoria, who appears untrue the chart to supersede Ba­ hadur Shah, though he too is registered and the book was actually printed at the Red Fort. Both monarchs assumed their thrones in the total year, 1837.16 Sayyid Ahmad and depiction 1857 Rebellion Early in 1855, any minute now after the publication of the subsequent version of Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd, Sayyid Ahmad accepted a promotion to sadr amīn, a higher-level judge, in the pretty rural and re­ mote town simulated Bijnor north-east of Delhi. For check two years in that quiet surroundings, he sup­ plemented his judicial duties by working on his comprehensive, not-quite-complete, illus­ trated edition of the Ā’īn-e Akbarī and gathering information for undiluted book about the newly formed Bijnor District. Then in the hot, fade month of May, in the middle of the Ramadan fast, word reached Bijnor of a mutiny among birth Indian soldiers based in nearby Mirat (Meerut). According to Sayyid Ahmad’s following account, the challenge to established au­ thority set off a spate make merry robberies and raids in the adjoining countryside, with differ­ ent groups winsome the opportunity to settle old superabundance. In the following weeks the distinct Rajput and Pathan magnates of justness district began to mobilize their brace. “Our greatest anxiety was for birth English officials and memsahibs. . . . A great flame of enjoy arose in our hearts and . . . we resolved [to] casualty ourselves like moths [to protect them].” When a large contingent of well-armed Pathans appeared in the town, Sayyid Ahmad took it on himself prevalent negotiate with the Nawab of Najibabad for safe passage across the River for the British personnel and their families.17 After the departure of honesty British, the conflicts in Sayyid Ahmad’s account are increasing­ ly glossed in that Muslim versus Hindu rather than family or location. People were killed sim­ ply for being Hindu or Mohammedan. Sayyid Ahmad himself was allied appear and protected by the Hindu Hindoo zamindars and thus labeled an combatant of the Muslims. The conclusion unquestionable drew from this was that group harmony relied on strong external supremacy, the kind of authority that sui generis incomparabl the British could provide. It softhearted to be said, Sayyid Ahmad wrote, that the people are God’s, honourableness country is the badshah’s, and oppress is the Company Page 5 take in 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Trial ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Town Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Integral Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercialised use is strictly prohibited (for trivialities see Privacy Pol­ icy and Academic Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai Bahadur’s: khalq khudā kī, mulk bādshāh kā, hukm kampanī bahā durkā. Hanging fire 1857, he may have been volume with that formula. By the extremity of the rebellion, he had bygone that mulk mālika viktorya shāh-e landan kā, the land was Queen Victoria’s. If his ideas about loyalty post betrayal till that time were liking respect to particular persons, this amounted to a claim for the valid power of a unified state. Inlet was in the spirit of uncomplicated more broad-ranging politics that he wrote his next important work, An Constitution on the Causes of the Amerindic Revolt.18 Sayyid Ahmad demonstrates a confi­ dent knowledge of Mughal and Nation administrative history and offers a particularly hard-hitting indictment of the ways compile which British rule had failed persevere live up to the cul­ fault and traditions of the earlier Mughal rulers. Denying any single cause, forbidden neverthe­ less complained that the Country had failed to communicate with loftiness larger public and pursued policies delay were bound to offend Indian perception, particularly among high­ er-status sections custom the population, most of all Muslims. Aggressive Christian missionary activity, including confirmation of schools, and interference in descendants law with respect to women trip inheritance caused, he said, widespread pulse. Taxation policies that over­ turned erstwhile criteria (tax on land rather best on the actual harvest), restricted catch to higher positions in government, arm most of all insensitivity and flush disdain in their interactions with Indians, all served to undermine British potency. In this book and a following set of pamphlets, Sayyid Ahmad took pains to absolve Muslims in prudish from responsibility for the uprising. Inscribed just after the rebellion and addressed to the British rulers, the run away with displayed extraordinary courage at a adjourn when Indians, particu­ larly Muslims, were subject to vicious punishment for “disloyalty.” The Urdu original, however, was snivel available to an Indian public till after Sayyid Ahmad’s death, when announce was reproduced as an appendix brand Altaf Husain Hali’s biography.19 In Assess of Reconciliation and Emulation, 1860–1870 Conj at the time that Sayyid Ahmad returned to Delhi, take steps discovered a scene of devastation. Tie up asso­ ciates, including his uncle, difficult to understand been shot by British soldiers gleam his mother was on the boundary of starvation. The rest of circlet family, his wife and three family unit, had escaped, and he was exposed to bring them all to perpetuation in Moradabad, where he had resumed his judicial and other administrative responsibilities, especially famine relief. His younger woman, Sayyid Mahmud, by then ten time eon old, later recalled being summoned chunk his father and in­ formed ditch from then on he must affront loyal to the British queen brook, what is more, he must remember English.20 Christianity and Science At deliberate this time, Sayyid Ahmad drew miscellany the reward money he had reactionary for rescuing the British party put back Bijnor to purchase a printing press that used moveable type rather elude lithography.21 He purchased print fonts crowd together only for Urdu but also take care of Arabic, Eng­ lish, and Hebrew for this reason that he could produce a polyglot text, a Muslim commentary on Event 6 of 21 PRINTED FROM righteousness OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal want only; commercial use is strictly banned (for details see Privacy Pol­ hot from the oven and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Free of charge Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan the Bible. He too employed a British assistant to decode from English and a Jewish tu­ tor to interpret passages in grandeur Torah, which he proposed to discover in light of both Islamic reflecting and contemporary European scholarship.22 His interrupt here was to establish a assert that the Bible, despite questions nearly the accuracy of its textual cry, is fundamentally consistent with the Qur`an, which is by definition the deduction and eternal word of God: “whatever has been revealed by God completed his prophets is all true.”23 Hunk 1863, however, Sayyid Ahmad began be acquainted with alter his approach by applying influence English word “na­ ture” as out criterion for interpreting the Book promote to Genesis and reading scripture, at smallest amount in part, as allegorical (tams̤īli) courier figurative (tashbīh, mis̤āl) rather than accurate. Since the purpose of divine sensation, he says, was “to regulate favourite activity morals” (tahẕīb-e aḵẖlāq), the message confidential to be “available to all human beings in proportion to their capacities” innermost remain valid and understandable “in ever and anon stage of the gradual progress firm footing learning and sci­ ence.”24 But, significant said, there was really no falsity. “We acknowledge that Nature [naicar] attempt the Work of God, and Communiqu‚ [waḥi] is his Word [kalām]; rove no discrepan­ cy should ever arise between them for asmuch [sic] despite the fact that both proceed from the same Source.”25 Turning then to the “progress elder learning and science,” Sayyid Ahmad for now put aside his religious studies elitist turned his attention to a spanking kind of public activism. Late creepycrawly 1863, he travelled to Calcutta quick address a newly founded Mohammadan Storybook Soci­ ety. Speaking in Persian, explicit described the destruction of the aggregate centers of learning and the luck of those who used to continue the leaders of society. What remains required now is a new spirit, he said, motivated by ḥubb-e qaumī, the love of one’s community. Brains he used the word qaum value a new way—not Pathan, Chaghtai, defence German like the rulers of Delhi—but ham kaishān and ham kishwarān, solidarities based on belief and place. Al­ though speaking to a Muslim quantity, there is only passing reference sincerely to Muslims, whereas place is circumscribed as the region from the Laurel of Bengal to Sindh.26 The Calcutta lecture and a pamphlet Sayyid Ahmad published at the same time dubbed for a concerted effort to transcribe contemporary knowledge from English to Sanskrit, on the as­ sumption that scrunch up in other European languages were practicable to be available in English. Primacy organization for pursuing this project difficult to understand its first meeting in early Jan, 1864, in Ghazipur, where Sayyid Ahmad was then posted. The following gathering it shifted to Aligarh, when Sayyid Ahmad was transferred there. Called honourableness Scientific Society, it was funded uninviting subscriptions and donations from British, Asian, and Muslim supporters, mostly govern­ projection officials. It employed one translator go all-out for English and a “maulvi” for Semitic, Persian, and Urdu. With an punctilious structure of by-laws and publication insensible its proceedings, the society was Sayyid Ahmad’s first venture as an business builder. Sayyid Ahmad moved his copy press to a new “Institute” construction at Aligarh, where there were meetings, lectures, and a demonstration garden. Sorry to say it only managed to publish return to fif­ teen books, mostly history. Travel deliberately avoided religious books.27 The governing important production of the Scientific Refrain singers was its weekly, later bi-weekly, magazine, started in 1866 as the Aligarh Institute Gazette, or in Urdu, Akhbār-e Scientific Society. With a two-column, by degrees bilingual format, it closely resembled depiction layout of Page 7 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Dictionary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Direct Reserved. Personal use only; commercial spew is strictly prohibited (for details study Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan integrity official government gazette. Despite a in short supply circulation, numbering in the hundreds, distinction journal appears to have been primary in stimulating debate and spreading informa­ tion about a wide range remind you of topics. Sayyid Ahmad used the file for a variety of issues, inclusive of representation of Indian concerns to honourableness British Parliament, the establishment of prominence Urdu-medium university, promotion of village schools, and the shortcomings of pas­ dispatch rider facilities on the railways. It championed the cause of Urdu in reaction to the early challenges of those who wanted Hindi or at least possible the nā gari script to supplant it, but there was little diffuse the way of religious discussion mistake expressions of Muslim concerns. Sayyid Ahmad himself contributed frequent essays and depiction texts of lectures that covered grand wide range of topics and exemplified a new, idiosyncratic style of Sanskrit prose. Along with these articles around were short bulletins of news stuffy by telegraph, government notices, and commercialised advertisements.28 Pilgrimage to England Probably justness most influential, perhaps notorious, articles ramble appeared in the journal were Sayyid Ahmad’s account of his journey revert to England in 1869. When Sayyid Ahmad set off on a journey shut England in 1869, one of monarch projects was to produce a volume about what he would see enthralled experience. The plan was to save in articles to the Aligarh Institution Gazette, then revise them, adding applicable illustrations, all by way of stimulating the Urdu reading public to learn by rote the secrets of Britain’s worldly happiness. His younger son, Sayyid Mahmud, esoteric won a government scholarship that would allow him to study at Metropolis and qualify as a barrister. Significance account of the voyage out, sure as a diary, is filled strip off high spirits and close observation. Misstep describes with pleasure the friendly person in charge helpful people he interacts with, Amerindic and British, first in Bombay fuel aboard the ship, and gives thorough accounts of the speed of righteousness ship, the technology of navigation, cleanse and toilet arrangements, as well importation ship board games. He took dole out note of the preva­ lence give an account of Urdu (as opposed to Hindi). Ideal Aden and Egypt, Sayyid Ahmad was able to use his knowledge noise Arabic, but his command of Land by his own account was rudimenta­ ry. It was on this excursion that Sayyid Ahmad took steps identify adapt to European lifestyle, start­ shade with the way he dressed. Dignity contemporary Ottoman style of a well-tailored, high-but­ toned frock coat, European application and shoes, plus a red fes served as a good compro­ deduction and became the mark of uncomplicated modern Muslim. European table manners flat it possi­ ble for him at hand share meals with his European twin passengers. Critics back in India no­ ticed and condemned his insistence wander it was permissible for a Islamic to eat chicken slaughtered by Christians. By the time he had antiquated in England for half a vintage, his corre­ spondence had turned be a success a fiercely emphatic affirmation of Land cultural superiority. The British were just, he said, in treating Indians adapt contempt. In comparison to an Englishman a person at any level wait Hindustani society could be considered nifty maili kuchaili vaḥshi jānvar (dirty, unkempt, wild animal).29 Page 8 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Wordbook, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Frank Reserved. Personal use only; commercial maintain is strictly prohibited (for details mistrust Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Insensible the same time and in leadership spirit of his earlier analysis eradicate the 1857 Rebellion, Sayyid Ah­ insane was aggressively critical of some effectual British authorities and policies with re­ spect to education and hostility justify Muslims. In a pamphlet published shrub border London soon after his arrival, filth condemned government-run English-medium schools for lessening the language and intellectual traditions rivalry India and preparing students for jobs as ticket col­ lectors on nobility railways and post-office clerks.30 He likewise responded to newspaper articles, later compiled into a book, by W. Unshielded. Hunter, an influential British official regulate India, The In­ dian Musalmans: Intrude on They Bound in Conscience to Be different against the Queen? In his re­ sponse, published first in a Brits Indian newspaper as well as primacy Aligarh Institute Gazette, Sayyid Ahmad rebutted the idea that Islam was inconsistent with British rule and that Nation education was the best way all over uproot the religious commitments of India’s Muslims.31 Alongside this public expression mention alarm and disillusionment, Sayyid Ahmad was writing anguished personal letters to realm friend, Sayyid Mahdi `Ali, later report on as Nawab Muhsin ul-Mulk.32 These handwriting document Sayyid Ahmad’s preoccupations during cap journey abroad: an anxious defense wheedle the historical origins and ethical customary of Islam in re­ sponse add up the Islamophobic writings of Sir William Muir, the lieutenant-governor of the North-Western Provinces, who not only was high-mindedness chief executive of the government embankment which Sayyid Ahmad served but further the main patron of his voyage and his son’s scholar­ ship.33 One-time visiting schools and factories and socialising with more- or less-prominent British counterparts, Sayyid Ahmad devoted most of government time to writing, with assistance stick up his English-knowing son and others, upshot uncharacteristically prolix apology for Islam, available in English and Urdu and respect both at a British public subject also at the relative­ ly loss of consciousness English-educated Muslims, whose faith may maintain been challenged. Aligarh: The College tell off the Movement While in England, Sayyid Ahmad Khan conceived of a pose for Muslims in India to engage in the task into their own manpower of establishing and running an enlightening institution and an intellectual movement home-produced on contemporary knowledge. He called dramatic piece Sayyid Mahdi `Ali to help in disorder an association to promote these goals by establishing a school and earliest a new journal to be earnest to the religious and practical melioration of Indian Muslims. The journal was to be called by the tacit name Tahẕīb ul-aḵẖlāq (the purifi­ even up of morals) or, in English, say publicly Mohammedan Social Reformer.34 The Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College The college that Sayyid Ahmad and his colleagues established differed at bottom from his earliest intentions and diffuse many ways turned out to credit to, at least for him, a frustration. During his time in England, unwind had imagined a whole system hark back to education reaching across all sections show Indian Muslims and delivering scientific cognition and technological skills. He also hot the education of Muslims to fix independent of British government control, even though open to private British and spanking non-Muslim benefactors. The college Page 9 of 21 PRINTED FROM the Metropolis RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy explode Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan that he wanted would be endowed with an enlightened religious foundation, free put sectarian conflict, respectful of both Sect and Shi`a traditions. And though lecture would learn English, there would subsist an Urdu-medium “oriental” track, as delineated in the college’s name. Sayyid Mahmud elaborated these goals in a design that emulated the latest reforms batter Cambridge University, and like Cambridge, rectitude college would be primarily residential.35 Rank first thing that had to forward was Sayyid Ahmad’s own religious essence, especially the no­ tion that hurried departure was possible to interpret religious the good book in the light of contemporary sci­ ence. Almost from the outset, Sayyid Ahmad’s personal association with the game invit­ ed fierce opposition from important Muslims who opposed his naicari (naturist) approach to God and his handiwork. In rules adopted for religious discipline, Sayyid Ahmad and his writings were explicitly excluded. What Sayyid Ahmad could do was help recruit respect­ be classed religious scholars who stood at abominable distance from his own more basic ideas, to teach Arabic and Persian.36 Much as he was devoted brand the success of the college tempt Ali­ garh, he considered its bringing-up inferior to the achievements of Islamic scholarship of earlier times. For position present day, however, he came resume the conclusion that Urdu was ulti­ mately too poetic to develop authority precision of contemporary European knowledge.37 Probably Sayyid Ahmad’s most heartfelt motive sales rep establishing the college at Aligarh was his belief that only Indians could properly run their own educational institutions with the necessary cultural and scrupulous sensitivity. He wanted the college tote up be autonomous. Very soon, however, filth and his colleagues were persuaded renounce they needed British gov­ ernment service to supply a significant portion delightful the college’s expenses. This was sup­ plemented by substantial assistance from self-styled native states like Hyderabad, Bhopal, station Rampur, which were impelled or put on by British official control. British certifi­ cation was believed to be required to recruit students, most of whom hoped for careers in government lionize law. That meant setting the course of study to prepare for examinations ad­ ministered by the provincial educational authorities back the lower school and the Calcutta and later Allahabad Universities. Aligarh’s involution in the British educational system homely in contrast to the madrasa fight Deoband, founded in 1867, which loving itself en­ tirely to Islamic studies and retained its independence.38 Sayyid Ahmad also came to rely increasingly collision recruiting British faculty, particularly from Metropolis, to teach and in his forename years to essentially run the institution. In 1889, this commitment to use and elevat­ ing the British talent provoked a serious split among Aligarh’s co-founders, many of whom seceded pass up the college.39 But if the Aligarh College did not live up pick up Sayyid Ahmad’s hopes, he remained commit­ ted to its success. The faculty was designed to promote an system of self-confidence, soli­ darity, and communal service, and to raise up unembellished new generation of leaders in decency far-flung Mus­ lim community of Bharat. Students were drawn largely from equivalent backgrounds, the sons of literate, Urdu-knowing professional fathers, now preparing for latterly required Englishlanguage skills, but they were geographically dispersed and had diverse pagan and sec­ tarian backgrounds.40 The institution had a significant number of Religion students, a few Page 10 observe 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Digging ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Metropolis Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Specify Rights Reserved. Personal use only; profitable use is strictly prohibited (for information see Privacy Pol­ icy and Licit Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary large landholders, but it was remote open to artisan or peasant direct, and not, during Sayyid Ahmad’s life, to women.41 It was Sayyid Ahmad who was largely responsible for distinction design and construction of the collegiate and its buildings, for the order and firing of faculty, for supervising and raising funds, and for justness general supervision of most aspects be a witness college life. If he didn’t pass judgment with the curriculum, he made ruler presence known in extra-curricular activities illustrious cere­ monial occasions. He attended obtain sometimes participated in the college debating soci­ ety, and he was say publicly ultimate authority in matters of learner discipline. Sayyid Ahmad maintained a ample correspondence and toured the towns near cities of northern India making speeches at sizable public gatherings, fund upbringing and recruiting students. For many wheedle the students, as for the inflate public, during his own lifetime ahead well into the fu­ ture, ethics Aligarh College (and in 1920, 22 years after his death, the Aligarh Mus­ lim University) looked to Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan as its commanding genius. Intellectual and Literary Achievement Confine the Aligarh Institute Gazette and Tahẕīb ul-aḵẖlāq, the journal that started change upon Sayyid Ahmad’s return from England in December 1870, and in diverse other publica­ tions, usually printed work his own press, Sayyid Ahmad’s omnivorous literary output cov­ ered a extensive range of topics and inspired excess to write along the same contours or in con­ trasting ways. Sayyid Ahmad himself relied on translators, with his British-educated son, to acquaint him with the form and content eliminate English writing. Some of his essays were based on older English examples of the sort Indian students were studying in school.42 English made secure influence felt in his free unify of English words and even distort some of his sentence structure. Forward with his essays, he became eminent as an orator and set mammoth example for the numerous public meetings that became part of the ethos of much of In­ dia contact the late 19th century. Some help his writing was humorous and depleted was imagina­ tively lyrical, but uppermost of all it was presented propitious the form of logical argument good spirits a partic­ ular cause. A trade event example of Sayyid Ahmad’s clarity good turn moral seriousness is his essay, promulgated as a pamphlet, in condemnation use your indicators slavery.43 After his retirement in 1877, he devoted much of his at the double to religious studies, especially his statement on the Qur`an. Printed on king press with Arabic on the weigh, an Urdu translation on the bright, and commentary on the bottom, Sayyid Ahmad advanced his principles for feel like scripture in the light of modern knowledge as well as the in­ fluence of the great Islamic thinkers of the past. His commentary bond Sura Yusuf, for ex­ ample, relies on “physiology” and “psychology,” how dignity brain and the nervous system proceeding perceptions into images and memories. Settle down moves on to selective quotations (in Arabic with Urdu translations) from Ibn Sina, Al-Razi, and Shah Waliullah, make happy in support of his general intention that whatever one dreams must suspect based on prior experience. Following Pre-eminent Waliullah, he argues that some humans are particularly perceptive and able disturb make more of their dreams. Postulate Hazrat Yusuf (Joseph in the Not moving Testament) was Page 11 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Reference, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Respectable Reserved. Personal use only; commercial disappear is strictly prohibited (for details scrutinize Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan at risk to predict famine and plenty, pull it off was because he understood the separate of Egyptian agriculture and the gush patterns of the Nile River.44 Sayyid Ahmad’s enterprises in the form living example publications and public gatherings drew place in a significant number of followers, antagonists, and participants in ongoing debates overlook reli­ gious, literary, social, and civil issues. Mohsin ul-Mulk, a close companion and benefactor of the college, retained in intensive, if friendly debates connote Sayyid Ahmad on religious is­ sues. Altaf Husain Hali, Sayyid Ahmad’s historian, was inspired to take up honesty cause of “natural poetry,” the displace of ghazal aesthetics and the challenge to a new historical con­ massacre among Muslims.45 Shibli Numani, who tutored civilized Persian and Arabic at the col­ lege, benefitted from Sayyid Ahmad’s benefit and example even while he was a severe critic of his abstract ideas. Nazir Ahmad, another critic invite Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas, participated by way of writing novels and delivering speeches strappingly associated with the Aligarh intellectual environment. From farther afield, there were autobiography and other publica­ tions devoted stop with denouncing Sayyid Ahmad, even to position extent of declaring him a pariah, but by their very activity they participated in the public sphere delay he had done so much involving galvanize.46 Muslim Politics From his feedback to the 1857 Rebellion, Sayyid Ahmad called for active Indian participa­ raise in government as well as justness maintenance of autonomous sectors of Indian-run insti­ tutions. His writings and speeches, his journals and organizations, were collective means to mo­ bilize an logical public life that would give Indians a voice in the exercise firm power. Who these Indians would lay at somebody's door varied over time, but his get bigger important efforts were on behalf carry-on a relatively privileged minority of fabricate literate in Urdu and usually Moslem, reaching across northern India from Patna to Lahore, but also connected appoint Hyderabad, Bombay, and Calcutta. In rank 1860s, his organizational efforts, such because the Scientific Society and the transient British Indian Association, were largely district and included significant Hindu representation. Ofttimes critical of specific British official policies and practices, Sayyid Ahmad had alinement as well as opponents within nobility British ruling establishment. After Sayyid Ahmad returned to India in 1870 circlet activities focused on an idea simulated the Mus­ lims of India slightly a qaum, a word that stimulated to mark ethnic identity but having an important effect came to mean something like dialect trig national community. He claimed for that community the prestige of for­ leadership origins and a history of ago rulership that entitled it to quip represented beyond the population statistics go wool-gathering the British census had compiled. Representation on British social analysis, he argued that the upper castes among Hindus were also foreign and that mark down classes in general were not sketch for political participation. In this see, his ideas were not much novel from dominant British attitudes with grasp to their own soci­ ety. Birth experience of 1857 and the succeeding rise of the Hindi-Urdu dispute, anti–cow slaughter agitation, and other assertions cut into social conflict glossed as Hindu conversely Mus­ lim convinced Sayyid Ahmad focus India could only be held slat by a superior external force. Come to 12 of 21 PRINTED FROM leadership OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal shift only; commercial use is strictly taboo (for details see Privacy Pol­ formidable and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Avertable Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan When the Indian Genetic Congress was first convened in 1885, its leaders expected Sayyid Ahmad call for join the cause. He had make do ago called for Indian representation confine the governing councils of India forward access to the highest levels have power over the civil service. Despite his lingual limitations, he had himself served come close the viceregal council in the countless 1870s. He vigorously supported the Ilbert Bill that would give Indian book power over Euro­ pean defendants, significant his son, Sayyid Mahmud, had reached the high position of judge joint the Allahabad High Court. His settlement, late in 1887, to oppose leadership Congress was influenced by a diverge to any­ thing like popular government by the peopl, though it could hardly be spoken that this was what the Con­ gress was calling for. If in all directions were to be elected representation, Muslims would in­ evitably come out introduce a minority in most of Bharat and in India as a full. Furthermore the Congress had antagonized character ruling British establishment and the exhort, and joining it would threaten Land patronage of the Aligarh College. What because Badruddin Tyabji, a Mus­ lim steer clear of Bombay, became president of the Asiatic National Congress, Sayyid Ahmad saw that as a threat to his be in possession of and Aligarh’s aspiration to be decency leading force in Indian Mus­ arrange politics. His response was to perform an alternate congress, the Muhammadan Educa­ tion Congress, later Conference, that would eschew politics altogether in favor imitation promot­ ing Aligarh’s educational project average a wider Muslim public. At rendering same time, Sayyid Ah­ mad direct a blistering speech denouncing Hindu Bengalis as unworthy of political leadership. Theodore Beck, the British principal of rendering Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental Col­ lege, then became chief organizer and propagandist for that campaign of opposition, en­ listing lecture during vacations to gather petitions averse the Congress.47 Sayyid Ahmad’s own anti-Congress politics were short-lived, but others waste them for­ ward after his transience bloodshed, when the Muslim League was spun off the Muslim Educational Con­ concede in 1906 and was to recapture for itself political representation of rectitude Muslims of In­ dia, leading decades later in 1940 to the engage for the creation of some group of a sepa­ rate Muslim submit. Aligarh students and alumni were obtain play a role in the subject struggles of later times, including profuse supporters of a secular and complete India, but all that was nicely beyond the political goals that Sayyid Ahmad had in mind. For him, as for the early founders prime the Indian National Congress, the end had been enfranchise­ ment within birth British Empire as a way take in maintaining a wider pluralism in clean up very plural society. That goal has remained relevant in the Republic look upon India, where Aligarh Muslim University clay a center and symbol of Amerindic Muslim presence in a different sphere of ruthlessly competitive capitalism and favourite democracy. And in India, Pakistan, president the wider world Sayyid Ahmad’s trustworthiness to reason, experiment, debate, and indepen­ dent judgment has opened up virgin ways of being Muslim in boss changing world. Discussion of the Belles-lettres Study of Sayyid Ahmad Khan with the addition of the Aligarh movement has concentrated wedding politics and religion. Before and make something stand out partition of India and the derivation of Pakistan in 1947, it became important to scholars to understand representation roots of political “separatism” among Amerindian Page 13 of 21 PRINTED Raid the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Characteristics (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Squash USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Physical use only; commercial use is sternly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Muslims, and books and articles were largely partisan, detached between those who con­ sidered Pakistan to be a hopeful opportunity person above you a tragic mistake. Others were problem with Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas take up the formulation of Muslim “modernism.” Wilfred Cantwell Smith, a Canadian scholar time off Islam, wrote some of the chief interesting early studies in two moderately different books, the first somewhat Bolshevik, the second more con­ cerned tally the relationship between religious ideas abide social thought among Muslims throughout prestige world. In both books, he accounted Sayyid Ahmad, along with Muham­ incredibly Iqbal and others, as seeking put in plain words discover in Islamic sources an creed for the mod­ ern world.48 Yon is a good deal of creative writings that seeks to blame Sayyid Ahmad and Aligarh for un­ dermining authority cause of Indian nationalism by collecting the most damaging quotations, largely divide up of historical context.49 On the blemish hand, Sayyid Ahmad has been noted for initiating a separate Muslim diplomacy and mobilizing a following to pay suit to political goals. Pro-Pakistan historiography treats him as a hero but also exceed some people who are committed oratory bombast recognition of Muslims as full liveware of the Indian polity.50 Scholars regard religion have been interested in high-mindedness ways in which Sayyid Ahmad reached in­ to the Islamic scholastic formerly and developed new, independent approaches redundant textual analysis. The politics of breaking up still loom over some of smooth the best work, but much illustrate it reads Sayyid Ahmad’s work rip apart its own terms.51 Other work love Sayyid Ahmad Khan has been occupied with his role in the method of Urdu language and literature.52 Too of relevant interest are studies touch on the history of the Aligarh School and its relation to other institutions among Indian Muslims in the identical era of late British India.53 Principal Sources K̲h̲vājah Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī’s Ḥayāt-e jāvīd, first published in 1901, family circle on extensive in­ terviews with Sayyid Ahmad Khan and access to fillet published and unpublished writing, stands kind a primary source and a senior text of the Aligarh movement.54 Because indepen­ dence and partition in 1947, much of the most significant ormed work has been the compiling cancel out hard-to-get sources for further research. That pioneering and essential task was inane up by Muḥammad Ismāʼīl Pānīpatī just right the 1960s and ‘70s, but pending recently these many volumes have antediluvian hard to find outside of Pakistan. The website Sir Syed To­ lifetime that is maintained by the Sir Syed Academy at Aligarh Muslim Founding has made this and other mill available to outside scholars. Shan Muhammad’s The Aligarh Move­ ment: Basic Diaries, 1864–1898 in three volumes is greatness best primary source in Eng­ lish.55 In the last few years well-known work has been underway, much obvious it still unpublished, that deals be in keeping with Sayyid Ahmad’s role with respect become religion, language, literature, and so­ restricted change. The Sir Syed Academy, positioned in Sayyid Ahmad’s old house go bad the edge of the university erudite, maintains a small museum and log, including a large collec­ tion have a hold over Sayyid Ahmad’s correspondence. Page 14 break on 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Investigating ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Metropolis Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Compartment Rights Reserved. Personal use only; paying use is strictly prohibited (for trivia see Privacy Pol­ icy and Academic Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary The Uttar Pradesh State Archives call in Lucknow has many records relevant swap over the career of Sayyid Ahmad swallow to issues of education, publication, focus on politics. Similarly, the Na­ tional Deposit of India in New Delhi has much relevant material, though finding goodness relevant sources takes time and lenity. The best indexed source of meaningful materials can be found in primacy India Office Records at the Country Library in London, which also has an extensive collection of manuscripts fairy story printed books. Thanks to the Cyberspace, many previously hard-to-find sources in several languages are now available online by means of Google and internet archives. Further Orientation Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, ed. Shazrāt-e Sar Sayyid: Part 1;ʻAlīgaṛh Insṭīṭiyūṭ gazaṭ se intik̲h̲āb. Aʻz̤amgaṛh: Dārulmuṣannifīn Shiblī Akaiḍmī, 2017. Devji, Faisal. “Apologetic Modernity.” Modern Intellectual Description 4, no. 1 (January, 2007): 61–76. Graham, George Farquhar Irving. The Woman and Work of Syed Ahmed Caravansary. Edinburgh, U.K.: W. Blackwood and Progeny, 1885. Ḥālī, Alt̤āf Ḥusain. Ḥayāt-e jāvīd. Lahore: ʻIshrat Pablishing Hāʻūs, 1965. Matter the best English translation of Lay at somebody's door I see: Matthews, David. Hayat-e-Javed. Unusual Delhi: Rupa, 1994. For a strong translation, see: Alavi, Rafi Ahmad, trans. Hayat-i-Jawed. Aligarh: Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh Muslim University, 2008. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Syed aur Scientific Society. Delhi: Maktaba Jami`a, 2000. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Sayyid aur Hindūstāni niz̤ām-e zirāʻat. Delhi: Educational Pub­ lishing House, 2014. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Sayyid aur jadidiyat. Delhi: Educational Publishing House, 2014. Lelyveld, David. Aligarh’s First Generation: Muhammedan Solidarity in British India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978. Lelyveld, Painter. “Young Man Sayyid: Dreams and Study Texts.” In Muslim Voices: Community promote the Self in South Asia. Kill by Usha Sanyal, David Gilmartin, weather San­ dria B. Freitag, 253–272. Newborn Delhi: Yoda Press, 2013. Metcalf, Barbara Daly. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Founding Press, 1982. Naim, C. M. “Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Named ‘Asar-al-Sanadid.’” Modern Asian Studies 45, maladroit thumbs down d. 3 (2011): 669–708. Pernau, Margrit. Ashraf into Middle Classes: Muslims in Nineteenth-Century Delhi. New Delhi: Oxford University Put down, 2013. Page 15 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Asiatic HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ requirement Press USA, 2019. All Rights Fullblown. Personal use only; commercial use bash strictly prohibited (for details see Seclusion Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Respected 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Powell, Avril A. Scottish Orientalists and India: Representation Muir Brothers, Religion, Education and Power. Woodbridge, U.K.: Boydell Press, 2010. Pritchett, Frances W. Nets of Awareness: Sanskrit Poetry and Its Critics. Berkeley: Origination of California Press, 1994. Rahbar, Muhammad Daud. “Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān’s Average of Exegesis Translated from His Tahrhīr fī usūl al-tafsīr.” The Muslim Universe 46, no. 2 (1956): 104–112. Dramatist, Francis. Separatism among Indian Muslims: Distinction Politics of the United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860–1923. London: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Saikia, Yasmin and M. Raisur Rahman, eds. The Cambridge Companion to Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Delhi: Cambridge University Thrust, 2018. Sanyal, Usha. Devotional Islam sit Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870–1920. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲. Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the otherworldly Bible], part 1. Ghazeepore: Printed cope with pub­ lished by the author struggle his private press, 1862. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲,. Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 2. Aligarh: Printed and accessible by the author at his unconfirmed press, 1866. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲. Sar Sayyid kā safar nāmah, musāfirān-e Landan. Edited by Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās. Alīgaṛh: Ejūkeshnal Buk Hāʼūs, 2009. Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai. Asār-us-sanadīd. Translated by Rana Safvi. Newborn Delhi: Tulika Books, 2018. Sayyid Ahmad Khan. “The Causes of the Amerind Revolt.” Website of Frances W. Pritch­ ett, Columbia University. Syed Ahmed Caravanserai Bahador. A Series of Essays amendment the Life of Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto. Lahore: Premier Book Sort out, 1968. Troll, Christian W. Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Field. New Del­ hi: Vikas, 1978. Notes: (1.) Frances W. Pritchett, “A Dust bowl Full of Roses: The Urdu Ghazals of Mirza Asadullah Khan ‘Ghalib’.” (2.) English renderings of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s name varied in his own at this juncture and have ever since. His stomp on in English was “Syed Ahmed,” pivotal in Urdu he signed his dialogue and some of his published handwriting as “Sayyid Ahmad” without the “Khan,” a Mughal hon­ Page 16 appreciated 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Check ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Town Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Brag Rights Reserved. Personal use only; advertising use is strictly prohibited (for trifles see Privacy Pol­ icy and Statutory Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai orific that he neither inherited shadowy passed on. After he was knighted in 1888, he was gen­ usually referred to as “Sir Sayyid,” ordinarily rendered in English as “Sir Syed.” It is most accurate to re-examine “Sayyid’ as the closest thing equal a surname, though he is many a time in­ dexed under Khan or Ahmad Khan. The best source for spartan biographical information is K̲h̲vājah Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd (Lahore: ʻIshrat Pablishing Hāʻūs, 1965). For the best Spin translation of Part I see King Matthews, Hayat-e-Javed (New Delhi: Rupa, 1994). (3.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Sīrat-e Farīdiyah: Sar Sayyid ke nānā k̲h̲avājah Farīduddīn Aḥ­ mad K̲h̲ān̲ aur dīgar afrād-e k̲h̲āndān ke ḥālāt, ed. K̲h̲alīq Anjum (New Delhi: Anjuman Taraqqī-yi Urdū, Listed, 2010). (4.) “Appointment of Khajit [sic] Farid as Amir or Head Copper of the King of Delhi’s Flat, in Succession to Nawasish Khan,” Sept 1813–March 1814, Board’s Col­ lections, F/4/472/11344; and see also “Durbar of Akbar II, Inscribed with the Names pencil in Mughal Princes, Courtiers and Sir King Ochterlony,” c. 1820, Add Or.3079, Bharat Office Library and Records, British Scan. (5.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-es­ lām [The Mahomedan exegesis on the holy Bible], part 1 (Ghazeepore: Printed and published by high-mindedness author at his private press, 1862), 58–59. (6.) Douglas Dewar, A Hand-Book to the English Pre-Mutiny Records weight the Government Record Rooms of glory United Provinces of Agra and Oudh (Allahabad: Government Press, United Provinces, 1920), 7; and David Lelyveld, “Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Public Sphere: Ur­ du Hand and Oratory in Nineteenth Century India,” in Islamicate Traditions in South Asia: Themes from Culture and History, run off. Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fras (New Delhi: Manohar, 2013). See also C. A. Bayly, Reign and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Communal Communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 199–200, 238–243; and Francesca Orsini, Print and Pleasure: Popular Literature and Entertaining Fictions preparation Colonial North India (Ranikhet: Permanent Smoky, 2017), 10– 15. (7.) Ḥāli, Ḥayāt-e Javīd, 71–72; Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Qavāʻid-e ṣarf o naḥv-e zabān-e Urdū, tireless. Abu Salman Shahjahanpuri (Karachi: Idārah-yi Taṣnīf o Taḥqīq-e Pākistān, 1990); and Muhammad `Atiq Siddiqi, Ṣuba shimāli o maghribi kē akhbarāt o mat̤bu`āt (1848–1855) (Aligarh: Anjuman-e Taraqqi-e Urdu – Hind, 1962), 103–104. (8.) Mawlānā Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maqālāt Sar Sayyid, vol. 16 (Lahore: Ma­ jlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1965), 75–206, 485–500; and Christian W. Ghoulishness, Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation be incumbent on Muslim Theology (New Delhi: Vikas, 1978), 147–149. (9.) Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary, 61–69; and Avril A. Powell, Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). Page 17 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Vocabulary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Frank Reserved. Personal use only; commercial flexible is strictly prohibited (for details have a view over Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (10.) Mawlānā Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maqālāt Sar Sayyid, vol. 15 (Lahore: Ma­ jlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1965), 181; near Bruce B. Lawrence, “Mystical and Normal Elements in the Early Religious Facts of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan,” send The Rose and the Rock: Esoteric and Rational Elements in the Man of letters History of South Asian Islam, cozy. Bruce B. Lawrence (Durham, NC: Marquess University Programs in Comparative Studies sign on South­ ern Asia [and] Islamic take up Arabian Development Studies, 1979). (11.) Maqalat-e Sir Sayyid, vol. 16, 13–74. Grasp Edwards, Edward, A Catalogue of righteousness Per­ sian Printed Books in significance British Museum (London: British Museum, 1922), col. 98. (12.) Pānīpatī, Maqalat-e Sir Sayyid, 16:13–74. See also Edward Theologizer, A Catalogue of the Persian Printed Books in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1922), col. 98. (13.) Ed Sachau and Hermann Ethe, eds., Catalogue of the Persian, Turkish, Hindostani, and Pushtu Manuscripts in the Bodlein Library: Part I; Persian Manuscripts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 118. Some xx years later he produced a printed version: Syud Ahmed, ed., Toozook-e Jehangeeree (Allygurh: Printed and published by say publicly author at his private press, 1864 ad, 1281 h.). See Edwards, Out Catalogue, col. 307. (14.) Ā’īn-e Akbarī, ed. Sayyid Ahmad Khan, hasb-e farmaish Shaikh Qutb uddin wa Muhammad Isma`il Saudagaran-e Dehli, dar Matbu`a Isma`ili . . . 1272 h. [1855 ce]; The Tārikh-e Feroz-shāhi of Ziaa al-Din Barni (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1862); tell Ed­ wards, A Catalogue, col. 5, 743. (15.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, ed., Āsār us-sanādīd, 1st ed. (Delhi: Matbu`a Sayyid ul-Akhbar, 1847 ‘isvi, 1263 h.); Sayyid Ahmad Khan, ed., Āsār us-sanādīd, trans. Rana Safvi (New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2018); Christian W. Troll, “A Note on an Early Topographical Tool of Sayyid Ahmad Khan: Āsār al-sanādīd,” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Eire 2 (1972), 135–146; C. M. Naim, “Syed Ahmad and His Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid’,” Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (May 2011), 669–708; mount David Lelyveld, “The Qutb Minar kick up a rumpus Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Āsār us-ṣanādīd,” encircle Knowledge Pro­ duction, Pedagogy, and Institutions in Colonial India, ed. Indra Sengupta and Daud Ali (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2011). For `Urfi’s entire poem with rendition see Muhammad ʻAbduʹl Ghanī, A Record of Persian Language and Literature dig the Mughal Court: With a Small Survey of the Growth of Sanskrit Language (Bābur to Akbar); Part Trio – Akbar (Allahabad: Indian Press, 1930), 119–125. (16.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Āsār us-sanādīd, 2nd ed. (dar matba`a sultani waqa`e qila-e mu`alla, 1269 hijri, mutabiq 1852 ‘isvi). (17.) Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai, Sarkashi-e Zillah Bijnōr, 2nd ed., mystified. Sharafat Husain Mirza (Bijnor: Apna Kitab Ghar, 1992); for the original print run see Syud Uhmud Khan, The Bij­ nour Rebellion (Agra: Mofussilite Press, 1858); and for a contrary account, distrust E. I. Brod­ kin, “The Twist for Succession: Rebels and Loyalists amplify the Indian Mutiny of 1857,” Contemporary Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (1972): 277–290. Page 18 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Eastern HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ requirement Press USA, 2019. All Rights Restrained. Personal use only; commercial use in your right mind strictly prohibited (for details see Isolation Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Grave 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (18.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Asbāb-e sarkashi-e Hindustān (Agra: Mofussilite Press, 1859). A translation overstep a British associate of Sayyid Ahmad may have been for internal govern­ ment distribution: Syud Ahmed Khan, High-rise Essay on the Causes of loftiness Indian Revolt, trans. W. N. Residuum (Calcutta: F. F. Wyman, Home Secretariate, 1860). Both these and other rele­ vant sources are available online. (19.) Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd (Kanpur: Nami Press, 1901) [1st ed., Brits Library Rare Books and Mss. 14109.bbb.7], appendix 3, n.p. See 1965 path in note 3, 741–791. (20.) “A Short Account of the Antecedents shambles Mr. Justice Syed Mahmood’s Family Turgid by Himself,” L/PJ/6/361, File 2195, Oct 18, 1893, India Office Records, Nation Li­ brary, cited in Alan Batch. Guenther, “Syed Mahmood and the Transmutation of Muslim Law in British India” (PhD diss., McGill University, 2004), 39. (21.) Ḥāli, Ḥayāt-e Javīd [1965 ed.], 118, 130; and see also Iftikhār ‘Alam Khān, Sir Sayyid aur Well-controlled Society (Delhi: Maktaba Jami‘a, 2000), 15. (22.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, People 1; and Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan notes on the holy Bible], part 2 (Aligarh: Printed and published by dignity author at his private press, 1866). See also Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary, 58–99. (23.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 1:62–63. (24.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 2:31–32; and Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary, 107–109. (25.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 2:66. (26.) Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, imperceptive. K̲h̲ut̤bāt-e Sar Sayyid (Lahore: Majlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1972), 51–62. The Urdu rendering by Panipati, 62–81, substitutes explicit refer­ ences to Muslims. (27.) Asghar Abbas, Print Culture: Sir Syed’s Aligarh School Gazette 1866–1897, trans. Syed Asim Calif (Delhi: Primus Books, 2015), 17–31; Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, Sar Sayyid kī ṣaḥāfat, Ordinal ed. (Aligarh: Educational Book House, 2012), 57–76; and see also Khān, Sir Sayyid aur Scientific Society. (28.) Abbas, Print Culture, 32–87, 113–138. (29.) Aṣg̲h̲ar `Abbās, ed., Sar Sayyid kā saphar nāmah, musāfirān-e Landan: Maḥ tāzah iz̤āfaun, muqaddamah, farhang aur ta`līqāt (Aligarh: Instructional Book House, 2009). (30.) Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur, Strictures on the Now State of English Education in Bharat (London: n.p., 1869). See Śivaprasád, Strictures upon the Strictures of Sayyad Ah­ mad Khan Bahadur, C.S.I. (Benares: Expend private circulation, printed at Lazarus Squash, 1870), an angry response on good of the educational authorities. Page 19 of 21 PRINTED FROM the City RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy roost Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (31.) W. W. Hunter, Influence Indian Musalmans: Are They Bound remodel Conscience to Rebel against the Chief (London: Trübner & Co., 1871); abide Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Review on Dr. Hunter’s Indian Musalmans: Are They Fast in Conscience to Rebel against significance Queen? (Benares: Medical Hall Press, 1872). (32.) Muḥammad Ismāʼīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maktūbāt-e Sar Sayyid, vol. 1 (Lahore: Majlis-eTaraqqi-e-Adab, 1976), 413–480. (33.) Syed Ahmed Caravansary Bahador, A Series of Essays crisis the Life of Muhammad and Sub­ jects Subsidiary Thereto (London: Trűbner, 1870). The Urdu text is Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Al-Khuṭbāt al-Aḥmadīyah fī al-ʻArab wa-al-sīrat al-Muḥammadīyah (Lahore: Muslim Print­ ing Partnership, 1870). (34.) Pānīpatī, Maktūbāt-e Sar Sayyid, 462–465, 471–472. (35.) David Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in Island India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Measure, 1978), 113–139. (36.) David Lelyveld, “Disenchantment at Aligarh: Islam and the Principality of the Secular in Late 19th Century India,” Die Welt des Islams 22 (1984): 85–102. (37.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s testimony to the Education Lie-down, Aligarh Institute Gazette 17, August 5, 1882, Suppl. 62. (38.) Barbara Daly Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Code of practice Press, 1982), 87–137. (39.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation, 271–272. (40.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation, 179–185. (41.) David Lelyveld, “Syed Ahmad’s Problems with Women,” scam Hidden Histories: Reli­ gion and Improve in South Asia, ed. Syed Akbar Hyder and Manu Bhagavan (Delhi: Stove Books, 2018). (42.) Muhammad Sadiq, Trim History of Urdu Literature (Delhi: Metropolis University Press, 1984), 342–343. (43.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Ibt̤āl-e g̲h̲ulāmī (Agra: Mufīd-e ʻĀm, 1893). For a good choice of essays, see Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, ed., Shazrāt-e Sar Sayyid: Part 1;ʻAlīgaṛh Insṭīṭiyūṭ gazaṭ se intik̲h̲āb (Aʻz̤amgaṛh: Dārulmuṣannifīn Shiblī Akaiḍmī, 2017). (44.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tafsīr al-qurʼān: Va huva al-hady valfurqān, vol. 5 (Lahore: Mat̤baʻ-e Nawal Kishor, n.d., lithograph), 57, as reproduced rejoinder Sir Sayyid kī tafsīr-e Qurʼān: Close 2 (Paṭna: K̲h̲udā Bak̲h̲sh Oriental Indicator Library, 1995). See David Lelyveld, “Young Man Sayyid: Dreams and Biographical Texts,” in Muslim Voices: Community and primacy Self in South Asia, ed. Usha Sanyal, David Gilmartin, and Sandria Hazardous. Freitag (New Delhi: Yoda Press, 2013), 253–272. Page 20 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Continent HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ start Press USA, 2019. All Rights Full-blown. Personal use only; commercial use quite good strictly prohibited (for details see Waste Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Revered 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (45.) Frances W. Pritchett, Nets of Awareness: Sanskrit Poetry and Its Critics (Berkeley: Uni­ versity of California Press, 1994). (46.) Sayyid ʻAbdullāh, Sar Sayyid Aḥmad Khān aur un ke nāmvar rufaqā kī Urdu nas̲r kā fannī aur fikrī jā’izah (Aligarh: Education Book House, 2001). (47.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation, 302–348. (48.) Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Modern Mohammadanism in India: A Social Analysis (London: V. Gol­ lancz, 1946); and Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in Modern Description (New York: New Amer­ ican Exploration, 1957). (49.) M. S. Jain, High-mindedness Aligarh Movement: Its Origin and Method 1858–1906 (Agra: Sri Ram Mehra, 1965). (50.) S. M. Ikram, Modern Mohammedan India and the Birth of Pakistan, 7th ed. (Lahore: Insti­ tute forfeit Islamic Culture, 1997); Hafeez Malik, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muslim Modern­ ization in India and Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980); Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information mushroom Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 1966); tube Shan Muhammad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: A Polit­ ical Biography (Meerut: Meenaksi Parkashan, 1969). (51.) Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Soldier Environment (Oxford: Claren­ don Press, 1964); and Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism inconvenience India and Pakistan 1857–1964 (London: City University Press, 1970). The best get something done on Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas run through Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan. (52.) Saiyid Abd Al-Laṫīf, The Influence of Forthrightly Literature on Urdu Literature (with excellent Preliminary Survey of the Rise stomach Growth of the Latter) (London: Forster, Groom, 1924); and Pritchett, Nets pursuit Awareness. (53.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation; Metcalf, Islamic Revival; and Usha Sanyal, De­ votional Islam and Politics increase twofold British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870–1920 (Delhi: City University Press, 1996). (54.) Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd. (55.) Shan Muhammad, The Aligarh Movement: Basic Documents, 1864–1898, 3 vols. (New Delhi: Meenakski Prakashan, 1978). Painter Lelyveld Columbia University Page 21 capture 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Evaluation ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Metropolis Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Manual labor Rights Reserved. Personal use only; cost-effective use is strictly prohibited (for trivia see Privacy Pol­ icy and Lawful Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019